Document 1A. Philip Randolph, “Call to Negro America to March on Washington for Jobs and Equal Participation in National Defense,” May 1941.This is an hour of crisis. It is a crisis of democracy. It is a crisis of minority groups. It is a crisis of Negro Americans.What is this crisis?To American Negroes, it is the denial of jobs in Government defense projects. It is racial discrimination in Government departments. It is widespread Jim Crowism in the armed forces of the Nation.While billions of the taxpayers’ money are being spent for war weapons, Negro workers are finally being turned away from the gates of factories, mine, and mills—being flatly told, “NOTHING DOING.” . . .With faith and confidence of the Negro people in their own power for self-liberation, Negroes can break down the barriers of discrimination against employment in National Defense. Negroes can kill the deadly serpent of race hatred in the Army, Navy, Air and Marine Corps, and smash through and blast the Government, business and labor-union red tape to win the right to equal opportunity in vocational training and re-training in defense employment. . . .In this period of power politics, nothing counts but pressure, more pressure, and still more pressure, through the tactic and strategy of broad, organized, aggressive mass action behind the vital and important issues of the Negro. To this end, we propose that ten thousand Negroes MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOR JOBS IN NATIONAL DEFENSE AND EQUAL INTEGRATION IN THE FIGHTING FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES. . . .Today we call on President [Franklin D.] Roosevelt . . . to . . . free American Negro citizens of the stigma, humiliation, and insult of discrimination and Jim Crowism in Government departments and national defense.

1. The African American authors of the “Address to the Loyal Citizens and Congress of the United States” made a particular effort to __________.A.describe their contributions to the war effortB.assert their equal citizenship and right to voteC.demonstrate their humilityD.underscore their bitterness toward white peopleSubmit-- of 1 pointAssessment: Competing Visions DEMANDING RIGHTS, PROTECTING PRIVILEGE3 tries left2. What was the purpose of the 1865 Mississippi “Black Code”?A.to make provisions for the inclusion of blacks in governmentB.to define the rights of blacksC.to sharply limit the newly won freedoms of African AmericansD.to make provisions for blacks to participate in elections

The excerpt below is from "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others" in The Souls of Black Folk by W.E.B. Du Bois:Mr. Washington distinctly asks that black people give up, at least for the present, three things,—First, political power,Second, insistence on civil rights,Third, higher education of Negro youth,—and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, and accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South. This policy has been courageously and insistently advocated for over fifteen years, and has been triumphant for perhaps ten years. As a result of this tender of the palm-branch, what has been the return? In these years there have occurred:1. The disfranchisement of the Negro.2. The legal creation of a distinct status of civil inferiority for the Negro.3. The steady withdrawal of aid from institutions for the higher training of the Negro.These movements are not, to be sure, direct results of Mr. Washington's teachings; but his propaganda has, without a shadow of doubt, helped their speedier accomplishment. The question then comes: Is it possible, and probable, that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meager chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic NO.andThe excerpt below is from the General Introduction to Tuskegee and Its People by Booker T. Washington:Institutions, like individuals, are properly judged by their ideals, their methods, and their achievements in the production of men and women who are to do the world's work.One school is better than another in proportion as its system touches the more pressing needs of the people it aims to serve, and provides the more speedily and satisfactorily the elements that bring to them honorable and enduring success in the struggle of life. Education of some kind is the first essential of the young man, or young woman, who would lay the foundation of a career. The choice of the school to which one will go and the calling he will adopt must be influenced in a very large measure by his environments, trend of ambition, natural capacity, possible opportunities in the proposed calling, and the means at his command.In the past twenty-four years thousands of the youth of this and other lands have elected to come to the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute to secure what they deem the training that would offer them the widest range of usefulness in the activities open to the masses of the Negro people. Their hopes, fears, strength, weaknesses, struggles, and triumphs can not fail to be of absorbing interest to the great body of American people, more particularly to the student of educational theories and their attendant results.Based on these passages, what is the main difference between the teachings of W.E.B. DuBois and Booker T. Washington? Washington saw the benefits of education, and DuBois believed it conflicted with progress. Washington insisted on political and civil rights, and DuBois demanded economic progress. Washington promoted self-reliance and the gradual advancement of the black people, and DuBois supports radical change. Washington approached the problem from a capitalist point of view, and DuBois approached it from a spiritual one.

Use the excerpt to answer the question.“African Americans likewise benefited from the demands of war. At the start of the struggle, their unemployment rate was twice that of whites, and many of the jobs they held were unskilled. Blacks became increasingly assertive. The Pittsburgh Courier, a widely circulated black newspaper, proclaimed a “Double V” campaign—V for victory in the struggle against the dictators abroad and V for victory in the campaign for equality at home. Even before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor brought the United States into the war, A. Philip Randolph, head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, proposed a massive March on Washington under the slogan “WE LOYAL NEGRO AMERICAN CITIZENS DEMAND THE RIGHT TO WORK AND FIGHT FOR OUR COUNTRY.” He agreed to call off the march only when FDR signed an executive order creating a Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC) to investigate complaints about discrimination and take appropriate action.”https://ap.gilderlehrman.org/essays/world-war-ii-home-front How did World War II influence civil rights for African Americans?ResponsesWorld War II motivated American support of African American protests for civil rights and an end to all forms of discrimination immediately after the war.World War II motivated American support of African American protests for civil rights and an end to all forms of discrimination immediately after the war.World War II provided African Americans more opportunities in the United States military and workforce, which led African Americans to be more assertive in protesting for civil rights in the decades following the war.World War II provided African Americans more opportunities in the United States military and workforce, which led African Americans to be more assertive in protesting for civil rights in the decades following the war.In order to meet the needs of factory employment during the war, the Federal government outlawed racial discrimination throughout the nation, which gave African Americans a platform to demand equality in civil rights.In order to meet the needs of factory employment during the war, the Federal government outlawed racial discrimination throughout the nation, which gave African Americans a platform to demand equality in civil rights.World War II provided African Americans more opportunities in the United States, but failed to gain any American support for social equality after the war.

Document 2Source: James G. Thompson, letter to the editor of the Pittsburgh Courier, a newspaper with predominantly African American readers, January 31, 1942Like all true Americans, my greatest desire at this time, this crucial point of our history; is a desire for a complete victory over the forces of evil, which threaten our existence today. Behind that desire is also a desire to serve, this, my country, in the most advantageous way. Most of our leaders are suggesting that we sacrifice every other ambition to the paramount one, victory. With this I agree; but I also wonder if another victory could not be achieved at the same time. . . .Being an American of dark complexion and some 26 years, these questions flash through my mind: “Should I sacrifice my life to live half American?” “Will things be better for the next generation in the peace to follow?” “Would it be demanding too much to demand full citizenship rights in exchange for the sacrificing of my life.” “Is the kind of America I know worth defending?” “Will America be a true and pure democracy after this war?” “Will colored Americans suffer still the indignities that have been heaped upon them in the past?” . . .I suggest that while we keep defense and victory in the forefront that we don’t lose sight of our fight for true democracy at home.The “V for Victory” sign is being displayed prominently in all so-called democratic countries which are fighting for victory over aggression, slavery and tyranny. If this V sign means that to those now engaged in this great conflict then let colored Americans adopt the double VV for a double victory. The first V for victory over our enemies from without, the second V for victory over our enemies within. For surely those who perpetrate these ugly prejudices here are seeing to destroy our democratic form of government just as surely as the Axis forces.

Document 5Source: Dempsey Travis, African American military veteran, oral interview about his experience in the United States Army during the Second World WarThe army was an experience unlike anything I’ve had in my life. I think of two armies, one black, one white. . . .This was Camp Shenango, Pennsylvania. . . .The troop train . . . had a car for black soldiers and a car for whites. They went to their part [of the camp] and sent us to the ghetto. It seems the army always arranged to have black soldiers back up against the woods someplace. Isolated. We were never near the main gate. If you went through camp as a visitor, you’d never know black soldiers were there, unless they happened to be working on some menial detail.They didn’t have a PX [United States Army base store] that black soldiers could use. There was a white PX, but we could not use it. They set up a temporary situation in the barracks where a guy had some candy bars and a Coke. At the white PX, you could buy almost anything. We had nothin’. There was no black servicemen’s club. No place for recreation. . . .Although there were five theaters on the post, there were none that black soldiers could use.