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Which ancient philosopher explored empirical evidence when making truth claims? 1 pointPlatoSocratesAristotle

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Which ancient philosopher explored empirical evidence when making truth claims? 1 pointPlatoSocratesAristotle

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Aristotle

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If Erasmus thought Herodotus had been successful in making the case for the location of the mind, which of the following might he have used to show he has proven his argument?

From his bare feet to his bald pate, the potentially shapeshifting figure of Socrates found in the literary tradition that arose after his controversial trial and death presents an intriguing array of oddities and unorthodoxies.  Most conspicuously, his unshod and shabby sartorial state flaunted poverty at a time when the city of Athens had become obsessed with wealth and its trappings.  Yet the philosopher's peculiar appearance was but a hint of the strange new calling he embraced.  Inspired perhaps by the famous Delphic dictum "Know thyself," he embarked on a mission devoted to finding truth through dialogue.  In what struck some as a dangerous new method of inquiry, he subjected nearly everyone he encountered to intense cross-examination, mercilessly exposing the ignorance of his interlocutors.  Moreover, in a culture that still put stock in magic, the highly charismatic, entertaining, and at times infuriating Socrates appeared to be a sorcerer bewitching the aristocratic young men of Athens who followed him fanatically about the agora.By all credible accounts, this exceedingly eccentric, self-styled radical truth-seeker had more than a whiff of the uncanny about him.  As Socrates himself explains in Plato's Republic, he was both blessed and burdened with a supernatural phenomenon in the form of a daimonion or inner spirit that always guided him: "This began when I was a child.  It is a voice, and whenever it speaks, it turns me away from something I am about to do, but it never encourages me to do anything."  An overtly rational thinker, Socrates nonetheless considered these warnings—or, in James Miller's words, "the audible interdictions he experienced as irresistible"—to be infallible.  Such oracular injunctions were highly anomalous as tutelary spirits were thought to assume a more nuanced presence.  Some scholars have dismissed Socrates' recurring sign as a hallucination or psychological aberration.  Others have conjectured that the internal voice might be attributable to the cataleptic or trancelike episodes from which the philosopher purportedly suffered.  Indeed, as Miller notes, "Socrates was storied for the abstracted states that overtook him"; not infrequently, his companions would see him stop in his tracks and stand still for hours, completely lost in thought.As Socrates further insisted, it was only the protestations of this apotreptic voice that held him back from entering the political arena.  Even so, its personal admonitions could not spare him persecution.  Despite the political amnesty extended by the resurgent democracy that succeeded the interim pro-Spartan oligarchy, the thinker's notoriety and ambiguous allegiances aroused suspicions.  In 399 BCE, Socrates was brought before the court on trumped-up charges of impiety; these included willfully neglecting the traditional divinities, flagrantly introducing new gods to the city, and wittingly corrupting the youth.  Athenian society recognized no division between religious and civic duties, and capricious gods demanded constant appeasement through sacrifices and rituals.  Consequently, belief in a purely private deity—particularly a wholly benevolent deity conveying unequivocal messages—was inadmissible.  Worse, as Socrates' own testimony revealed, he honored this personal god's authority above even the laws of the city.  Hence, the philosopher's daimonion loomed over his indictment, conviction, and sentencing.Nevertheless, in his defense speech as reconstructed by Plato in the Apology, Socrates maintained confidence in the protective nature and prophetic powers of his inner monitor.  He never questioned its affirmatory silence toward his predicament, remarking, "The divine faculty would surely have opposed me had I been going to evil and not to good."  Thus, Socrates acknowledged that his daimonion had its reasons, however inscrutable.  Variously described as malcontent and martyr, public nuisance and prophet, laughingstock and hero, the mercurial Athenian, like the sign that guided him, was difficult to fathom yet impossible to ignore.Passage Title: The Divine Sign of Socrates Question 45The passage author's view of Socrates' many eccentricities is that they constituted:A.a means of disguising deceptive practices.B.an essential part of his mission and message.C.a pattern of behavior characteristic of a political rebel.D.symptoms of an identifiable syndrome from which he suffered

From his bare feet to his bald pate, the potentially shapeshifting figure of Socrates found in the literary tradition that arose after his controversial trial and death presents an intriguing array of oddities and unorthodoxies.  Most conspicuously, his unshod and shabby sartorial state flaunted poverty at a time when the city of Athens had become obsessed with wealth and its trappings.  Yet the philosopher's peculiar appearance was but a hint of the strange new calling he embraced.  Inspired perhaps by the famous Delphic dictum "Know thyself," he embarked on a mission devoted to finding truth through dialogue.  In what struck some as a dangerous new method of inquiry, he subjected nearly everyone he encountered to intense cross-examination, mercilessly exposing the ignorance of his interlocutors.  Moreover, in a culture that still put stock in magic, the highly charismatic, entertaining, and at times infuriating Socrates appeared to be a sorcerer bewitching the aristocratic young men of Athens who followed him fanatically about the agora.By all credible accounts, this exceedingly eccentric, self-styled radical truth-seeker had more than a whiff of the uncanny about him.  As Socrates himself explains in Plato's Republic, he was both blessed and burdened with a supernatural phenomenon in the form of a daimonion or inner spirit that always guided him: "This began when I was a child.  It is a voice, and whenever it speaks, it turns me away from something I am about to do, but it never encourages me to do anything."  An overtly rational thinker, Socrates nonetheless considered these warnings—or, in James Miller's words, "the audible interdictions he experienced as irresistible"—to be infallible.  Such oracular injunctions were highly anomalous as tutelary spirits were thought to assume a more nuanced presence.  Some scholars have dismissed Socrates' recurring sign as a hallucination or psychological aberration.  Others have conjectured that the internal voice might be attributable to the cataleptic or trancelike episodes from which the philosopher purportedly suffered.  Indeed, as Miller notes, "Socrates was storied for the abstracted states that overtook him"; not infrequently, his companions would see him stop in his tracks and stand still for hours, completely lost in thought.As Socrates further insisted, it was only the protestations of this apotreptic voice that held him back from entering the political arena.  Even so, its personal admonitions could not spare him persecution.  Despite the political amnesty extended by the resurgent democracy that succeeded the interim pro-Spartan oligarchy, the thinker's notoriety and ambiguous allegiances aroused suspicions.  In 399 BCE, Socrates was brought before the court on trumped-up charges of impiety; these included willfully neglecting the traditional divinities, flagrantly introducing new gods to the city, and wittingly corrupting the youth.  Athenian society recognized no division between religious and civic duties, and capricious gods demanded constant appeasement through sacrifices and rituals.  Consequently, belief in a purely private deity—particularly a wholly benevolent deity conveying unequivocal messages—was inadmissible.  Worse, as Socrates' own testimony revealed, he honored this personal god's authority above even the laws of the city.  Hence, the philosopher's daimonion loomed over his indictment, conviction, and sentencing.Nevertheless, in his defense speech as reconstructed by Plato in the Apology, Socrates maintained confidence in the protective nature and prophetic powers of his inner monitor.  He never questioned its affirmatory silence toward his predicament, remarking, "The divine faculty would surely have opposed me had I been going to evil and not to good."  Thus, Socrates acknowledged that his daimonion had its reasons, however inscrutable.  Variously described as malcontent and martyr, public nuisance and prophet, laughingstock and hero, the mercurial Athenian, like the sign that guided him, was difficult to fathom yet impossible to ignore.Passage Title: The Divine Sign of Socrates Question 46The passage suggests that the most problematic aspect of Socrates' guiding spirit was:A.its show of benevolence.B.its manifestation as a voice.C.its clarity as an oracle.D.its threat to society.

DescriptionComprehension:The passage below is accompanied by a question. Choose the best answer among the options:The Positivists, anxious to stake out their claim for history as a science, contributed the weight of their influence to the cult of facts. First ascertain the facts, said the positivists, then draw your conclusions from them. . . . This is what may [be] called the common-sense view of history. History consists of a corpus of ascertained facts. The facts are available to the historian in documents, inscriptions, and so on . . . [Sir George Clark] contrasted the "hard core of facts" in history with the surrounding pulp of disputable interpretation forgetting perhaps that the pulpy part of the fruit is more rewarding than the hard core. . . . It recalls the favourite dictum of the great liberal journalist C. P. Scott: "Facts are sacred, opinion is free.". . .What is a historical fact? . . . According to the common-sense view, there are certain basic facts which are the same for all historians and which form, so to speak, the backbone of history—the fact, for example, that the Battle of Hastings was fought in 1066. But this view calls for two observations. In the first place, it is not with facts like these that the historian is primarily concerned. It is no doubt important to know that the great battle was fought in 1066 and not in 1065 or 1067, and that it was fought at Hastings and not at Eastbourne or Brighton. The historian must not get these things wrong. But [to] praise a historian for his accuracy is like praising an architect for using well-seasoned timber or properly mixed concrete in his building. It is a necessary condition of his work, but not his essential function. It is precisely for matters of this kind that the historian is entitled to rely on what have been called the "auxiliary sciences" of history—archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics, chronology, and so forth. . . .The second observation is that the necessity to establish these basic facts rests not on any quality in the facts themselves, but on an apriori decision of the historian. In spite of C. P. Scott's motto, every journalist knows today that the most effective way to influence opinion is by the selection and arrangement of the appropriate facts. It used to be said that facts speak for themselves. This is, of course, untrue. The facts speak only when the historian calls on them: it is he who decides to which facts to give the floor, and in what order or context. . . . The only reason why we are interested to know that the battle was fought at Hastings in 1066 is that historians regard it as a major historical event. . . . Professor Talcott Parsons once called [science] "a selective system of cognitive orientations to reality." It might perhaps have been put more simply. But history is, among other things, that. The historian is necessarily selective. The belief in a hard core of historical facts existing objectively and independently of the interpretation of the historian is a preposterous fallacy, but one which it is very hard to eradicate.All of the following describe the “common-sense view” of history, EXCEPT:Please select your Answer.history can be objective like the sciences if it is derived from historical facts.only the positivist methods can lead to credible historical knowledge.real history can be found in ancient engravings and archival documents.history is like science: a selective system of cognitive orientations to reality.

This theorist developed the 3 trophs of rhetoric, sometimes referred to the 3 artistic proofs.Group of answer choicesQuintilianCiceroJohn LockePlatoAristotle

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