As Mexico’s first president from an Indigenouscommunity, Benito Juarez became one of the most______ figures in his country’s history: among themany significant accomplishments of his long tenurein office (1858–1872), Juarez consolidated theauthority of the national government and advancedthe rights of Indigenous peoples.Which choice completes the text with the mostlogical and precise word or phrase?A) unpredictableB) importantC) secretiveD) ordinary

The settlers' greatest source of discontent with governance was that the Mexican government _______ .

By which name does the text describe past presidencies?Multiple choice question.the imperial presidencythe imperiled presidencythe heroic presidencyAll these answers are correct.

The province of Xoconochco was situated on thePacific coast, hundreds of kilometers southeast ofTenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec Empire.Because Xoconochco’s location within the empirewas so _______ , cacao and other trade goodsproduced there could reach the capital only after along overland journey.Which choice completes the text with the mostlogical and precise word or phrase?A) unobtrusiveB) concealedC) approximateD) peripheral8The following text is from Charlotte Brontë’s 1847novel Jane Eyre. Jane works as a governess atThornfield Hall.I went on with my day’s business tranquilly; butever and anon vague suggestions kept wanderingacross my brain of reasons why I should quitThornfield; and I kept involuntarily framingadvertisements and pondering conjectures aboutnew situations: these thoughts I did not think tocheck; they might germinate and bear fruit ifthey could.Which choice best states the main purpose of thetext?A) To convey a contrast between Jane’s outwardcalmness and internal restlessnessB) To emphasize Jane’s loyalty to the people sheworks for at Thornfield HallC) To demonstrate that Jane finds her situationboth challenging and deeply fulfillingD) To describe Jane’s determination to secureemployment outside of Thornfield Hall...............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. CO NTI N U E18...............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. CO NTI N U E9Text 1Most animals can regenerate some parts of theirbodies, such as skin. But when a three-bandedpanther worm is cut into three pieces, each piecegrows into a new worm. Researchers areinvestigating this feat partly to learn more abouthumans’ comparatively limited abilities toregenerate, and they’re making exciting progress. Anespecially promising discovery is that both humansand panther worms have a gene for early growthresponse (EGR) linked to regeneration.Text 2When Mansi Srivastava and her team reported thatpanther worms, like humans, possess a gene for EGR,it caused excitement. However, as the team pointedout, the gene likely functions very differently inhumans than it does in panther worms. Srivastavahas likened EGR to a switch that activates othergenes involved in regeneration in panther worms,but how this switch operates in humans remainsunclear.Based on the texts, what would the author of Text 2most likely say about Text 1’s characterization of thediscovery involving EGR?A) It is reasonable given that Srivastava and herteam have identified how EGR functions in bothhumans and panther worms.B) It is overly optimistic given additionalobservations from Srivastava and her team.C) It is unexpected given that Srivastava and herteam’s findings were generally met withenthusiasm.D) It is unfairly dismissive given the progress thatSrivastava and her team have reported.10The following text is adapted from WilliamShakespeare’s 1609 poem “Sonnet 27.” The poem isaddressed to a close friend as if he were physicallypresent.Weary with toil, I [hurry] to my bed,The dear repose for limbs with travel tired;But then begins a journey in my headTo work my mind, when body’s work’s expired:For then my thoughts—from far where I abide—[Begin] a zealous pilgrimage to thee,And keep my drooping eyelids open wide,What is the main idea of the text?A) The speaker is asleep and dreaming abouttraveling to see the friend.B) The speaker is planning an upcoming trip to thefriend’s house.C) The speaker is too fatigued to continue adiscussion with the friend.D) The speaker is thinking about the friend insteadof immediately falling asleep.

Passage 2 (Questions 6 - 10)Mexicans have long attributed the origins of their political system to the Revolution of 1910-20. They cite the constitution of 1917 as the foundation of their modern political institutions and practices. Mexico's governing institutions and political culture also bear the imprint of three centuries of Spanish colonial rule. Mexicans' adherence to a highly codified civil law tradition, their acceptance of heavy state involvement in business and civic affairs, and the deference accorded the executive over other branches of government can be traced to the administrative and legal practices of the colonial period.During the 1920s, President Elías Calles reorganized Mexican politics along corporatist lines to contain latent social conflicts. Calles expanded government bureaucracy to enable it to mediate among rival constituencies and to dispense state funds to organizations supportive of the "official" party. Calles also created umbrella organizations that lumped together disparate groups according to broad functional categories. Newly created interest groups depended heavily on the state for their financing and were required to maintain strong ties to the ruling party, the newly created Institutional Revolutionary Party (IRP).Calles's successor, Lázaro Cárdenas, revived populism as a force within the IRP by redistributing land to landless peasants via state-sponsored communal farming known as the ejido system. Cárdenas emphasized nationalism as a political force by expropriating the holdings of foreign oil corporations. By 1942, the political processes and institutions that would define Mexican politics for the next forty years were established: a strong federal government dominated by a civilian president and his loyalists within the ruling party, a symbiotic relationship between the state and the official party, a regular rotation of power among rival factions within a de facto single-party system, and a highly structured corporatist relationship between the state and government-sponsored businesses.During the 1980s, the pattern of Mexican politics instituted by Calles and Cárdenas began to break down. Public funding for a variety of programs dried up, which led to the state's role in the economy being scaled back, and the relationships developed over four decades between government agencies and legally recognized constituent groups were weakened. An internal rift emerged between the populists and the more technocratic wing of the ruling party over the market reforms and the authoritarian nature of the IRP-dominated political system. This internal rift developed into the first major mass defection from the IRP when a key minority group broke ranks and contested the 1988 presidential election as a coalition of populist parties.Self-preservation can help explain this breach in partisanship. IRP members’ longstanding loyalty to the party means that in the absence of disrupting forces, they can be expected to vote for that party. However, when drastic changes occur in the political and financial landscape, members are responsive to a range of pressures that can weaken their loyalty. Obvious variations occur in such factors as the charisma of the candidates, the impact of economic and domestic policy issues, foreign policy, and especially local economic changes. These factors may well have caused members to dissociate from the IRP.Since 1987, the IRP has managed to defeat most of the serious electoral challenges to its central role in Mexican politics. However, by 2002, most believed, correctly, that the IRP-dominated political system was in an advanced state of decay and that a move to greater pluralism in organized political activity was at hand. How this transition period would unfold, and whether it would result in a more participatory and competitive political process for Mexico, was yet to be determined. Traumatic experiences during the nineteenth century, including foreign military occupations, the loss of half of the national territory to the United States, as well as the disillusion sown by a series of unconstitutional regimes, continue to have a profound impact on contemporary political culture. Question 8Which of the following incidents may have led to the rift between groups within the IRP? A.A local scandal involving officials of the IRPB.Political pressure from national labor unionsC.Opinions of the defectors' family membersD.A particularly persuasive campaign speech by a technocrat member

Passage 2 (Questions 6 - 10)Mexicans have long attributed the origins of their political system to the Revolution of 1910-20. They cite the constitution of 1917 as the foundation of their modern political institutions and practices. Mexico's governing institutions and political culture also bear the imprint of three centuries of Spanish colonial rule. Mexicans' adherence to a highly codified civil law tradition, their acceptance of heavy state involvement in business and civic affairs, and the deference accorded the executive over other branches of government can be traced to the administrative and legal practices of the colonial period.During the 1920s, President Elías Calles reorganized Mexican politics along corporatist lines to contain latent social conflicts. Calles expanded government bureaucracy to enable it to mediate among rival constituencies and to dispense state funds to organizations supportive of the "official" party. Calles also created umbrella organizations that lumped together disparate groups according to broad functional categories. Newly created interest groups depended heavily on the state for their financing and were required to maintain strong ties to the ruling party, the newly created Institutional Revolutionary Party (IRP).Calles's successor, Lázaro Cárdenas, revived populism as a force within the IRP by redistributing land to landless peasants via state-sponsored communal farming known as the ejido system. Cárdenas emphasized nationalism as a political force by expropriating the holdings of foreign oil corporations. By 1942, the political processes and institutions that would define Mexican politics for the next forty years were established: a strong federal government dominated by a civilian president and his loyalists within the ruling party, a symbiotic relationship between the state and the official party, a regular rotation of power among rival factions within a de facto single-party system, and a highly structured corporatist relationship between the state and government-sponsored businesses.During the 1980s, the pattern of Mexican politics instituted by Calles and Cárdenas began to break down. Public funding for a variety of programs dried up, which led to the state's role in the economy being scaled back, and the relationships developed over four decades between government agencies and legally recognized constituent groups were weakened. An internal rift emerged between the populists and the more technocratic wing of the ruling party over the market reforms and the authoritarian nature of the IRP-dominated political system. This internal rift developed into the first major mass defection from the IRP when a key minority group broke ranks and contested the 1988 presidential election as a coalition of populist parties.Self-preservation can help explain this breach in partisanship. IRP members’ longstanding loyalty to the party means that in the absence of disrupting forces, they can be expected to vote for that party. However, when drastic changes occur in the political and financial landscape, members are responsive to a range of pressures that can weaken their loyalty. Obvious variations occur in such factors as the charisma of the candidates, the impact of economic and domestic policy issues, foreign policy, and especially local economic changes. These factors may well have caused members to dissociate from the IRP.Since 1987, the IRP has managed to defeat most of the serious electoral challenges to its central role in Mexican politics. However, by 2002, most believed, correctly, that the IRP-dominated political system was in an advanced state of decay and that a move to greater pluralism in organized political activity was at hand. How this transition period would unfold, and whether it would result in a more participatory and competitive political process for Mexico, was yet to be determined. Traumatic experiences during the nineteenth century, including foreign military occupations, the loss of half of the national territory to the United States, as well as the disillusion sown by a series of unconstitutional regimes, continue to have a profound impact on contemporary political culture. Question 7Which of the following is NOT characterized as a contributing factor to present-day Mexican politics?  A.Adherence to a legal precedentB.Uneven power among branches of governmentC.Foreign military occupationD.Land grants from the United States